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** Free Ebook Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

Free Ebook Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

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Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar



Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

Free Ebook Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

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Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech that Ended the Cold War, by Romesh Ratnesar

On June 12, 1987, Ronald Reagan addressed a crowd of 20,000 people in West Berlin in the shadow of the Berlin Wall. The words he delivered that afternoon would become among the most famous in presidential history. “Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate,” Reagan said. “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”

Elegant and dramatic, Tear Down This Wall is the definitive account of one of the most memorable speeches in recent history and a reminder of the power of a president’s words to change the world.

  • Sales Rank: #2245213 in Books
  • Published on: 2010-11-23
  • Released on: 2010-11-23
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.44" h x .60" w x 5.50" l, .49 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 240 pages

From Publishers Weekly
Standing before Berlin's Brandenburg Gate in 1987, President Reagan delivered his famous challenge to Soviet Premier Gorbachev: to tear down the wall dividing East and West Berlin. Within two years, the wall crumbled, and the U.S.S.R. soon followed. Time magazine deputy managing editor Ratnesar has mined American and East German archives to produce a lively, impressively detailed history of the iconic speech. Despite impeccable conservative credentials, Reagan considered avoiding nuclear war more important than defeating communism. This only became obvious in 1985, when Gorbachev assumed the Soviet leadership. Over the course of several meetings, the two leaders developed a rapport and announced disarmament agreements that distressed Reagan's hard-line supporters. In early 1987, speechwriter Peter Robinson produced a draft containing the tear down this wall statement, followed by a tortuous four months of innumerable drafts and quarrels with high officials who considered it unnecessarily offensive. In the end, Reagan liked the phrase, so it stayed. Being the world's sole superpower has brought America little satisfaction, so readers should enjoy this slim, lucid account of a time when events turned out brilliantly. (Nov.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review
“Timely and insightful. . . Ratnesar’s book deftly explores the history of those famous words and highlights Ronald Reagan’s clarity of vision and commitment to the American ideal.” –Condoleezza Rice

“Romesh Ratnesar has produced a riveting account of one of the greatest speeches in modern times, which would have been enough. But along the way he has also written a brilliant and incisive history of the end of the Reagan Presidency and the Cold War. Tear Down this Wall affirms the power of words.”

--David Grann, Author of The Lost City of Z

“Fast-moving and splendidly written. . . a remarkable re-creation of the last days of the Soviet empire, with East Germany as the culmination of the Marxist dialectic, and the wall the perfect symbol for that strange alternate universe.”

–John R. Coyne, Jr., Washington Times

“Romesh Ratnesar has told the story with narrative verve, brilliant political and personal insight, and a combination of concision and pithiness worthy of the Great Communicator himself.”

--Strobe Talbott, author of The Great Experiment: Ancient Empires, Modern States, and the Quest for a Global Nation

About the Author

Romesh Ratnesar is deputy managing editor of Time magazine. The winner of numerous journalism prizes, he has written dozens of Time cover stories on U.S. foreign policy and international affairs and reported from many countries around the world, including Iraq, Afghanistan, and Israel and the Palestinian territories. He lives in New York.

Most helpful customer reviews

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Good story overall
By Brad
Too quick to forget that Reagan's 1983-1985 policies placed the Soviet economy on the rocks and helped create and exacerbate the economic failures in Russia that led to Gorby's rise. Forcing the Soviet's to spend more money on the military and damaging its money supply from oil were all Reagan administration concepts.

10 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
fine book marred by weird ending
By cf otto
This is a well-written, clear-eyed and unbiased book about President Reagan's role in bringing down the Berlin Wall. The focus is on his speech-writers and the interesting machinations they went through en route to creating the speeches we find so memorable. In addition, the author interviewed key people, such as Gorbychav and gleaned many fascinating insights and anecdotes from them.

My only complaint is what has to be one of the strangest last chapters I've ever read. After not mentioning Obama for the entire book, the last chapter suddenly discusses Obama vs. Reagan, how they are alike, and different, how much Obama respected Reagan (really? seems our new president is trying to tear down everything Reagan held dear in respect to government's role in our lives as well as how to conduct foreign policy). The author concludes by giving Obama a pep-talk on what he must do to have as much impact on America and the world as Reagan did... of course, assuring us that President Obama has the goods and will deliver. Say what?

5 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
The President Who Ended The Cold War
By Mark E. Quartullo
As a lifelong Reagan Conservative, I was often dismayed in the `80s at the leftist partisan rancor and ideologically-based myopia of The Media when assessing President Reagan's Cold War (CW) policies - not because I supported them but because of the few credible alternative solutions offered to break the CW stalemate. For all the obstinate - even haughty - disregard for RR's policies, it was obvious that The Left was willing to perpetuate the CW with the same, tired Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD)/Detente policies. Yet, as RR correctly envisioned, the "Status Quo" (RR's definition: "That's Latin for the fix we're in") wasn't working, and the insanity of doing things the same way and expecting different results was destructive. Today, many revisionist historians try to collectively give the 8 CW presidents for ending it (particularly those who never agreed with RR's policies to begin with and cannot admit they were wrong). Yet, despite the efforts of his 7 predecessors, the CW was at a stalemate when RR entered office, with Soviet military strength increasing while the US wallowed in economic problems and declines in military viability and international credibility. Yet, from 1981-89, Ronald Reagan changed all of that. RR ultimately became the president that actually ended the CW - not merely one who carried over the fight as his predecessors did.

"Tear Down This Wall" (TDTW) is an aspect-specific treatment of the CW, with RR's famous speech at Brandenburg Gate on June 12, 1987 represented as the visionary culmination point of RR's diplomatic, military, socio-economic, and clandestine/ intelligence CW efforts in oratory form. It was the basis on which he could assert from the position of strength his policies afforded that the wall must be torn down. Peter Robinson, Anthony Dolan, Peter Rodman, Dana Rohrbacker (among others) provided the primary drafts, revisions, and defense of the speech, while "Roz" Ridgeway, Colin Powell, and George Schultz vetted it for diplomatic and doctrinal viability. The contention over the speech and its famous line threatened to alter its meaning and impact considerably. Yet, it was Reagan alone who ensured that this didn't happen, understanding intuitively that its time had come. He was, in effect, ending the most contentious phase of the CW, conveying that it was now possible for the wall to come down. Like his seminal speeches predicting the demise of the Soviet Regime in front of the British Parliament (June 8, 1982), National Association of Evangelicals, Orlando, Florida (March 8, 1983), and others, his comments were dismissed by elitist European and US Leftist pundits who found it incomprehensible that RR could have it right and themselves wrong. However, as countless historical examples illustrate, RR's words were almost perfect in tone - alternating between forceful, purposeful prescience and realism, structured with rhetoric that further defined the conflict in moral terms. Why the so called "experts" did not or would not see it is perhaps another book yet to be written on the period.

TDTW also provides a good thumbnail sketch of the CW period - from Truman's attendance at the Potsdam Conference on 17 July - 2 August 1945 to the eventual dissolution of the Soviet Regime on Christmas Day 1991. For the casual History reader, this is easy to take, as it provides a substantive framework without unnecessary or extraneous analysis. For those with a more intense interest in the period, it is a worthwhile primer and does provide an external, Journalist-eye view of the speech-making process (which makes it more objective than the memoir by Peter Robinson). Overall, it is a worthwhile, if not a seminal, read.

The primary fault of TDTW is its deference to the Northeastern Liberal Establishment conclusion on who really ended the CW. While most do (if albeit reluctantly) acknowledge RR's role, it is minimized in favor of Gorbachev's whom the far left European community had always favored. The fact that Gorbachev collected a Nobel Peace Prize in 1988 - and not Reagan - is a vivid illustration of how pre-disposed to this perception they were (in spite of the facts). On Page 189, Ratnesar writes: "None would have been possible without Gorbachev; in this drama, Reagan was the supporting actor."

However, the book - and this position - miss several keys points, including: 1) RR had pursued his CW policies for 5 years before Gorbachev took power, setting the tone, conditions and pressure on the USSR. Gorbachev was left with the challenge to respond to conditions not of his making; 2) Gorbachev understood the need for reform but it was RR who formulated US policy to exploit those weaknesses that led to it. Once again, the Soviets were left to deal with a CW paradigm that RR had changed; 3) It was RR that proposed all of the major agreements that were eventually adopted - from the "Double Zero" option, START to the elimination of INF weapons. In sum, it was RR who dictated the tempo while Gorbachev's role was largely defensive. Gorbachev's real contribution is rooted more in his response (or lack of, as when the Wall started to crumble), and less in the initiatives that forced a re-thinking of the CW. That achievement belongs to Reagan.

In sum, TDTW is a capably written, journalistic treatment of the period and vivid illustration of a great president, and the creation and impacts of his most famous speech. It provides Western and Eastern bloc eye-witness accounts that personalizes the speech and cessation of the CW. It is a good though not ground-breaking illustration of the closing chapters of one of the most compelling periods in World History.

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